I found this on the "Lutheran Confessions" blog today. I basically makes the argument that the German ethos of Austerity is a Lutheran value whereby we do with less so that we can help others help themselves. You can read it here or click through to the Times by clicking on the underlined title below.
By STEVEN OZMENT
Published: August 11, 2012
German Austerity's Lutheran Core
IF there’s one nationality the rest of the world thinks it readily and
totally understands, it is the Germans. Combine their deep involvement
with Nazism and anti-Semitism and, voilà! — 2,000 years of gripping,
complex history vanishes.
Illustration by Miles Donovan, images by Lucas Cranach/Hulton Archive — Getty Images, and Markus Schreiber/Associated Press
Since the beginning of the euro crisis, this reductionism, which can be
found inside Germany as much as outside it, has come in the form of
sifting through the fatal legacy of the Weimar era, the years of
promising democracy that began in the defeat and humiliation of World
War I and ended with the Nazi takeover in 1933.
¶
On the one hand, we’re told, the 1920s legacy of destabilizing inflation
explains Germany’s staunch aversion to expansionary monetary and fiscal
policies today; on the other hand, the Nazi taint on the interwar years
seems to prove for some that, even in 2012, the intentions of
democratic Germany can’t be trusted when it comes to Europe’s
well-being.
¶
But rather than scour tarnished Weimar, we should read much deeper into
Germany’s incomparably rich history, and in particular the indelible
mark left by Martin Luther and the “mighty fortress” he built with his
strain of Protestantism. Even today Germany, though religiously diverse
and politically secular, defines itself and its mission through the
writings and actions of the 16th century reformer, who left a succinct
definition of Lutheran society in his treatise “The Freedom of a
Christian,” which he summarized in two sentences: “A Christian is a
perfectly free Lord of all, subject to none, and a Christian is a
perfectly dutiful servant of all.”
¶
Consider Luther’s view on charity and the poor. He made the care of the
poor an organized, civic obligation by proposing that a common chest be
put in every German town; rather than skimp along with the traditional
practice of almsgiving to the needy and deserving native poor, Luther
proposed that they receive grants, or loans, from the chest. Each
recipient would pledge to repay the borrowed amount after a timely
recovery and return to self-sufficiency, thereby taking responsibility
for both his neighbors and himself. This was love of one’s neighbor
through shared civic responsibility, what the Lutherans still call “faith begetting charity.”
¶
How little has changed in 500 years. The German chancellor, Angela
Merkel, a born-and-baptized daughter of an East German Lutheran pastor,
clearly believes the age-old moral virtues and remedies are the best
medicine for the euro crisis. She has no desire to press a secular
ideology, let alone an institutional religious faith, on her country,
but her politics draws unmistakably from an austere and
self-sacrificing, yet charitable and fair, Protestantism.
¶
If Ms. Merkel refuses to support so-called euro bonds, it is not because
it would be like giving free money to the undeserving poor but because
it would not help the redeemed poor take responsibility for their own
houses and grow strong for both themselves and their needy neighbors. He
who receives, recovers and profits from society in a time of need has a
moral responsibility to pay society back by acting in turn as a strong
citizen who can help fill the common chests and sacrifice for his now
needy neighbors, who had once helped him. Such is the sacrificial
Lutheran society.
¶
For this point of view Ms. Merkel has been derided as the “austerity
queen,” and worse. But she is undeterred. She admits that austerity is
the toughest road home but hastens to add that it is also the surest and
quickest way to recover the economy and gain full emancipation from the
crisis. Luther would agree.
¶
According to polls, so do Ms. Merkel’s fellow Germans. They hold tight
to their belief, born of staunch Lutheran teachings, that human life
cannot thrive in deadbeat towns and profligate lands. They know that
money is a scarce commodity that has to be systematically processed,
recorded and safeguarded before being put out to new borrowers and
petitioners.
¶
And they take comfort in the fact that, unlike what they consider the
disenchanted, spendthrift countries of Greece and Italy, those living in
model German lands have obeyed the chancellor’s austerity laws and
other survival programs designed for a fair, shared recovery.
¶
But if their Lutheran heritage of sacrificing for their neighbors makes
Germans choose austerity, it also leads them to social engagement. In
classic Lutheran teaching, the salvation of the believer “by faith
alone” does not curtail the need for constant charitable good works, as
ill-informed critics allege. Faith, rather, empowers the believer to act
in the world by taking the worry out of his present and future
religious life.
¶
It is true that Lutheranism, as a faith, has declined in Germany in
recent decades, as the forces of multiculturalism and secularism have
washed over the country. And yet witness the warmth with which Germans
of all backgrounds embraced their new president, Joachim Gauck, a former Lutheran pastor.
¶
And it is true that Lutheranism is hardly the only social force alive in
Germany today. Yet it is of a piece with the country’s two millenniums
of history, filled as it is with redemptive self-sacrifice and
bootstrapping. In the fourth century A.D., German warriors controlled
virtually every senior military post in the Roman army. Later, Germans
turned the wilds of northern Central Europe into a bountiful breadbasket
— and, most recently, an industrial machine.
¶
What’s more, Lutheranism survived both right-wing Nazism and left-wing
Communism, both of which tried to replace its values with their own. If
anything, its resilience comes to the fore when challenged by change.
¶
With the steady advance of Islam into Europe over the last two decades
and in the face of unrelenting economic pressure from their neighbors,
it is no surprise that Germans of all backgrounds have now again quietly
found “a mighty fortress” for themselves in their own Judeo-Christian
heritage.
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